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DAM-L LS: Pak Mun protesters hungry for justice (fwd)



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subject: LS: Pak Mun protesters hungry for justice
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Hungry for justice

Bangkok Post, Outlook, August 2. 2000

Protesters from the Assembly of the Poor are staging Thailand's first mass 
hunger strike, hoping to tug at the hearts of the powers-that-be. Will it 
work, or will they come up empty-handed again?

Atiya Achakulwisut and Vasana Chinvarakorn

Two weeks ago, Sa-nguan Puebkhunthod was hospitalised after a beating by 
riot police for trespassing on Government House. She was part of a 
desperate attempt by the Assembly of the Poor to air their grievances.

Last week, Sa-nguan joined other villagers in a hunger strike, to both fast 
and develop feelings of goodwill for the powers-that-be.

"They trampled us as if we were not humans," the frail villager from 
Chaiyaphum said. "I saw a 70-year-old grandmother being hit until her head 
was bleeding."She pointed out that these incidents took place during last 
month's Buddhist holidays. Instead of religious ceremonies, July 16 and 17 
witnessed a bloody confrontation between Isan villagers and the 
establishment as the former tried to break into Government House in a 
desperate bid to urge the Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai to help them.

About two hundred men and women, including one child, were rounded up and 
charged with trespassing in the incident. The case is still pending, and 
villagers, if found guilty, could end up spending time behind bars.

"We didn't want to harm anybody. We had only our bare hands. The only thing 
we wanted to say was that our suffering is real, and that we were not 
hirelings trying to pressure the government," the mother of six said. To 
prove her sincerity, Sa-nguan has recently resorted to a new "voice"-that 
of silence. Since July 27, scores of Isan villagers, as members of the 
Assembly of the Poor, have been staging a hunger strike, the first mass 
hunger strike ever staged in Thailand. It began with 39 villagers and their 
number has fluctuated ever since. There are currently 26, and the hunger 
strike is now entering its second week.

Boonsong Ampadcha, 43, wanted to join, but a preliminary medical check-up 
found that the mother of three was not healthy enough to withstand the 
ordeal. Since she was informed a few years ago that her house would be 
inundated because of a dam project, Boonsong's health has been suffering. 
Doctors finally diagnosed her with low blood pressure, and the symptoms, at 
times, are so severe she must receive injections on a daily basis. But why 
a hunger strike? What good will starvation do when more forceful methods, 
such as long marches under the scorching sun, endless rounds of debates, 
and months of sit-ins at public places, have not worked?

Is the hunger strike an act of violence?

The first question many people ask upon hearing of the mass hunger strike 
is whether the strike, which puts the lives of people at risk, is an 
unnecessary act of violence which could provoke more violence in response. 
Dr Chaiwat Satha-anan, a peace theorist from Thammasat University who has 
studied the politics of non-violence for more than a decade, has a more 
positive view of the on-going hunger strike.

"We have to consider the purpose [of the action]. In this context, the 
villagers are trying to communicate their suffering. They would like 
society to listen to their plight. And they hope that when the public 
hears, they will help better the situation," Dr Chaiwat explained. Asked if 
the hunger strike was a kind of ultimatum designed to pressure the 
government and society, Dr Chaiwat said there was nothing wrong with using 
non-violent means to exert pressure.

"Sometimes, protesters appeal directly to opponents, asking for sympathy 
and help in changing whatever the grievance might be. Another way is to 
make the public at large feel their pain. And hopefully, the people will 
force the responsible agencies to help the protesters."For Phra Paisarn 
Visalo, author of several titles on strategies to achieve peace, the 
ammunition for this duel is strength of heart and selflessness.

"Those who go on a hunger strike out of self-interest will not last long," 
said the monk, "because they will eventually succumb to doubt and 
temptation. But fasting for the public good will, over time, unlock the key 
to other people's hearts. The rich and the more powerful aren't necessarily 
stronger in this case.

"Such fasting in itself never breeds violence. In the past, the escalation 
into the use of force was due to other factors, such as bad timing and poor 
planning."

Does the hunger strike violate Buddhist teachings?

To many Buddhists, fasting, which torments the body, could be considered a 
form of violence that should perhaps not be condoned.

However, Phra Paisarn argues there is a significant exception to the rule. 
The venerable monk cited one well known Buddhist aphorism urging one to 
give up wealth in order to save one's organs, to sacrifice the organs if 
that rescues a life, and finally to abandon even life itself in order to 
protect dhamma.

"Lord Buddha himself, in one of his previous incarnations, allowed himself 
to be eaten by a pair of tigers and thus prevented further killing," Phra 
Paisarn said during his visit to the protest camp. "The crux of the matter 
is the act must be done, not for one's own self-interest, but for the 
benefit of the public."Buddhist scholar Santisuk Sophonsiri agrees, casting 
the on-going strike as a battle against injustice, with the villagers 
seeking to wake society up from the malaise of spiritual lethargy.

Santisuk views the poor as divine messengers who are resorting to using 
their own bodies to remind the public of the coming crisis-that 
disintegration of rural communities, and natural resources, will sooner or 
later entail the downfall of all.

But isn't there a more effective, but less painful, way to make this 
wake-up call? In some circumstances, that seems to be the case, but 
desperate people must often resort to drastic measures.

Phra Paisarn referred to the Vietnam War, when talks about peace abounded, 
and yet seemed to fall on deaf ears. Desperate to end mass killings, a few 
Vietnamese monks and nuns were driven to self-immolation. This severe act, 
noted Phra Paisarn, was a form of "talk" to convey the gravity of the 
subject-for them, peace is precious enough to give up one's life.

Was the villagers' trespassing on Government House illegal? Can one break 
the law in the name of a non-violent protest?

A non-violent protest can be conducted through both legal and illegal 
means, Dr Chaiwat said. Some types of non-violent struggle are specifically 
designed to change unfair legislation, such as the campaigns for the rights 
of blacks in the US during the 1960s led by civil rights leaders like the 
Rev Martin Luther King Jr.

"The campaigners did many things that were against the law, trespassing 
included, to bring to light the discrimination they were suffering "Gandhi 
violated the law, too. When the English forbade Indians from making salt, 
he led the people, including members of Congress, on a march to the sea to 
make salt-an illegal act according to the law at that time," Dr Chaiwat 
pointed out.

It must be noted, however, that if illegal means are utilised, protesters 
must bear the consequences. If protesters are to stay true to the practice 
of civil disobedience, they should not ask the authorities to exempt them 
from prosecution. Phra Paisarn conceded that trespassing was against the 
law; however, the monk questions the propriety of resorting to force to 
handle the situation. Moreover, Santisuk contended the villagers' descent 
on Government House stemmed from the fact that key decisions that have long 
affected their lives had been made there.

Elections at the local level are, sadly, only a superficial form of the 
decentralisation of power. As long as the state continues to impose 
projects that ignore the needs of the locals, Santisuk predicted, 
Government House would remain the centre of popular protest, and perhaps 
the scene of even more violence in the future.

Will the hunger strike soften city dwellers to the plight of Isan people 
and the Assembly of the Poor?

Recent polls are not encouraging. Up to 80 percent of Bangkokians stated 
their disapproval in polls conducted by Abac and Suan Dusit.

On the other hand, Dr Chaiwat said, a poll was not a complete answer. "Many 
people may not agree with the hunger strike, but they may sympathise with 
the poor."American Buddhist monk Santikaro Bhikkhu made the wry observation 
that the sentiment of patriotism-people feeling they belong to one 
another-seems to rise only during international sports tournaments.

The ditch that divides the protesters' makeshift village from the police 
station at Government House reflects the gap between city people and rural 
people, and the rich and the poor.

Like Phra Paisarn, Santikaro advocates a long-term assessment of the 
problems extending beyond the immediate confrontation. He said the middle 
class in the city should ask the salient question: Why are the protesters 
here?The deprivation of rural people has largely to do with the ability of 
urban dwellers to bask in the "sinful culture of excess", Santisuk said. 
Understandably, city dwellers may hesitate to side with protesters. "Rural 
people who work in the city may share the same logic. A taxi driver may 
come from the Northeast. But his biggest problem now is not whether 
villagers at Pak Moon can make a living. Rather, his concern is whether the 
petrol prices will rise or how many passengers he can find that day," Dr 
Chaiwat added ruefully.

The gap between the haves and have-nots has existed for a long time and so 
far we have lived with it. What will happen if the divide grows?

Phra Paisarn is concerned about the future of Thai society, as the 
agricultural sector, a cushion in times of crisis, has been exploited to 
the point of depletion.

The Royal Plaza incident, when a poorly built hotel suddenly collapsed, 
could be a metaphor of what's in store for the whole country, the monk warned.

Dr Chaiwat shares this bleak outlook.

If people in anguish try to cry for help, he said, but people in society 
cannot hear these cries for help, they will simply have to use other means 
to make their voices heard.

"In seeking additional attention and solutions to their problems, these 
people may resort to other, more dangerous means," Dr Chaiwat noted. If 
that happens, their problems will no longer be theirs alone, but those of 
society. We have two options, Dr Chaiwat said. One is to train our ears so 
that we hear the early cries for help. The second is to keep the gap and 
live with the insecurity, investing in building more prisons, constructing 
more walls and hiring more guards.

Will the hunger strike work if the government does not care?

According to Dr Chaiwat, a hunger strike is not aimed at creating a sense 
of caring. Whether it succeeds in achieving its goals or not depends on how 
forces around the government work. "The government may not respond to the 
hunger strike per se but it has to respond to the power around it.

"The next question, then, is to which force the government will be 
accountable?

If the hunger strike can move those forces, then those forces can pressure 
the government to act in their favour," the lecturer explained. At present, 
the hunger strike has not led to any understanding, he said. The situation 
is also confusing, with various special interest groups making moves and 
demands all at the same time. "From what I know, there is a feeling among 
city people that these villagers are insatiable. They never hesitate to 
demand more. "However, I think the Assembly of the Poor has explained time 
and again that they are not asking for compensation for land." Instead, the 
villagers are seeking to reclaim lost livelihoods. The point, however, 
seems lost in the midst of public apathy.

Will the hunger strike lead to liberation and forgiveness?

Dr Chaiwat said the hunger strike was one non-violent means for victims to 
fight back. Forgiveness, he said, was impossible under several circumstances.

"If I were a mouse and you were a cat and I was caught in your claws, how 
could you expect me to forgive you? It just doesn't make sense."The hunger 
strike can stop the victims from being victimised. The next step, however, 
is to establish justice and forgive the injustices and liberate both sides 
from an endless cycle of revenge. Regardless of the outcome, Santikaro 
foresees one immediate benefit on the part of those joining the hunger 
strike and the on-going protest. Living together in the makeshift tents and 
sharing the same bitter fate has taught them an invaluable lesson on 
peaceful co-existence. Santisuk, meanwhile, hopes all parties concerned 
will abandon self-interest and search sincerely for solutions. Rural 
protesters have long made sacrifices in the process of development. 
Depleted of both resources and opportunity, life seems to have become the 
only stake they have left. As long as society continues to ignore their 
plight, their last gamble may be too expensive for all to bear.




Business people show compassion

Prida Tiasuwan, Executive Chairman of Pranda Jewellery Plc

Apart from convincing fellow business people to listen to the problems of 
the Assembly of the Poor, Prida Tiasuwan and his business friends have also 
donated money to their cause. He has just returned from a visit to Pak Moon 
Dam, collecting first-hand information on the dam's effect on the 
villagers. "I became interested in the issue when I saw the beating of 
villagers (after trespassing at Government House) on television. Footage of 
the event was aired around the world and it was really negative for the 
country. So I began to pay attention. I wanted to know what was going on." 
Prida studied the report prepared by the government-appointed committee to 
solve the villagers' problems. He and 14 other business people invited 
representatives of the Assembly of the Poor to brief them about the 
problems villagers were facing. Prida's group then donated about 100,000 
baht to the villagers. "At first, I had the same thoughts as many members 
of the middle class have. I believed the protesters were organised by 
ill-intentioned parties. "When I talked to them, however, I realised these 
villagers were suffering greatly. "I just went to the Pak Moon Dam. The 
villagers can no longer make a living by fishing. They used to make 5,000 
to 6,000 baht a month from their catch, but now they are lucky if they can 
make 50 or 100 baht. What can they do?" Prida also said it was sad that 
most city dwellers did not understand the protesters. He believes, however, 
that this ignorance is not the result of apathy, but rather the lack of 
adequate information about the protesters' problems.

While many in the business world view the current hunger strike as having 
nothing to do with them, Prida said this was not true. "I am in the export 
business. The country's image is all-important. If my clients see how our 
government goes around beating protesters, they may refuse our goods on 
grounds of the abuse of human rights." If the government is not serious 
about resolving the conflict, the problem would further damage the 
country's standing in the eyes of investors. "If investors are scared away, 
it will further hurt our staggering economy," Prida warned. He conceded 
that at first he was quite apprehensive about supporting the poor openly. 
"When I received all the necessary information and testimonials from the 
villagers, it dawned on me that the suffering was all too real. I believe 
that deep inside, all of us still care. We simply can't ignore those who 
are in pain. So I stopped worrying. "I think that what I did is what other 
city dwellers and members of the middle class would like to do and should 
do," Prida said.




'Resolutions' only partial satisfaction

As Cabinet unveiled its plan on July 25 to deal with the demands of the 
Assembly of the Poor, some Bangkokians quickly jumped to the conclusion 
that everything is fine, and the Northeastern villagers should go home.

But for those protesting in front of Government House, the Cabinet's 
resolutions, made in response to recommendations by a neutral committee 
appointed in early June, are merely half-baked answers. Where, in fact, are 
the shortcomings, or are the Isan protesters being greedy?The Chuan-led 
government agreed to certain key demands, such as opening the sluice gates 
at the Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams, as well as an agreement to conduct a 
review of four projects, namely the Pong Khun Phet Dam, the Hua Na Dyke, 
the Lam Dome Yai Dam, and the commercial development programme at the 
Thai-Lao border point of Chong Mek.

The gates at both Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams were in fact already open; 
at Pak Moon because of flooding, and at Rasi Salai because on July 6, 
Science and Technology Minister Arthit Ourairat ordered them to be opened 
for two years in response to villagers' protests.

On the other hand, the Chuan government held steadfastly to two 
controversial laws: the Cabinet resolutions issued on April 21 and June 30 
of 1998.

The first rules out any state responsibility in providing retroactive 
compensation, even if people continue to suffer from negative effects of 
state-initiated projects. Those affected by the Sirindhorn Dam, for 
example, are left out in the cold.

The second bill states the government will acknowledge villagers' right to 
continue living in areas designated national forest reserves only with the 
presentation of physical evidence, like aerial or satellite photos, that 
they live there.

In effect, the enactment cancels previous agreements between the Assembly 
and the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh coalition said to better recognise local 
people's right to manage natural resources as stipulated in the 
Constitution. Moreover, a proposal to set up joint committees to address 
land disputes comprising both state officials and villagers has been 
scrapped, and the committees are to be replaced by panels run solely by the 
government.

Historically, the land disputes stem from the fact that the announcements 
of national forest boundaries were often made arbitrarily, without regard 
for those already residing in the areas. In many cases, official aerial 
mapping was undertaken well after the designation was made.

The Cabinet's new resolution does not bode well for Isan villagers 
currently charged with forest encroachment. The disputed areas cited by the 
Assembly include the national forest reserves at Pha Taem, Hin Kong and 
Kaeng Tana, Dong Phu Loan, Lang Phu, Kud Chomphoo, and Ban Tunglung, all in 
Ubon Ratchathani province.

In addition, the Chuan-led government has kept quiet on the neutral 
committee's long-term recommendations, the most salient aspect of which is 
the need to improve the quality of social and environmental impact 
assessment studies.

Neither has the Cabinet responded to the recommendation that all future 
large-scale dam projects be shelved until the decision-making process is of 
a better standard, or that the dams should be decommissioned altogether if 
post-project evaluations find the returns to be unsatisfactory. The Chuan 
Cabinet did not formally respond to the neutral committee's recommendations 
for almost three weeks, a period that could have been longer had 
Northeastern villagers not broken into Government House on July 16, 
prompting violent crack-downs, mass arrests, and waves of publicity.

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